NSZ Combat, Jewish Massacres of Poles at Koniuchy and Naliboki. Communist Subjugation of Poland

MYTHS DIRECTED AGAINST POLAND: JEWS, POLES, AND COMMUNISM 1939-2012 is the title of this Polish-language book. It presents a wealth of information, only some of which I can discuss. It should be translated into English.

In the Introduction, noted historian Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, who considers himself a Jagiellonian-style Polish conservative (p. 9), credits author Leszek Zebrowski with being the most knowledgeable authority, in Poland, on the Polish Underground NSZ (N.S.Z) movement. (p. 7) [For example, please click on Zebrowski’s Narodowe Sily Zbrojne: Dokumenty, struktury, personalia (Polish Edition), and read the detailed English-language Peczkis review. Zebrowski debunks many Communist-propaganda attacks on the NSZ, as he does again in this present book. These hoary Stalinist-era attacks continue to be repeated by neo-Stalinists such as Jan T. Gross, as well as by various Polonophobic Jewish authors.]


Leszek Zebrowski calls Blaichman „The Jewish MacGyver from the GL-AL” [Referring to character MacGyver, who improvised creatively. GL-AL refers to the murderous Communist GL-AL bands]. Blaichman wrote articles about his purported involvement in Jewish guerrilla units, and demonized the ARMIA KRAJOWA (A. K.) as violently anti-Semitic and prone to Jew-killing. His accounts have been featured by the likes of eminent Jewish Holocaust historian Martin Gilbert.

Zebrowski exposes the frauds of Blaichman’s alleged guerrilla exploits, including the one where his unit allegedly apprehended some Jew-killing Polish guerillas–all the while that peasants were gathering mushrooms in January. (pp. 21-23). [Mushrooms do not grow in January!] It turns out that Blaichman later was a member of the U. B. (Bezpieka), the murderous post-WWII Communist security forces.


In the IPN investigation volume on Jedwabne, WOKOL JEDWABNEGO, there is an allegation of Poles murdering Jews at Drohiczyn-Siemiatycze in mid-1941. The IPN has omitted another source, published in Tel Aviv in 1965, which gives a completely different version of events at Drohiczyn-Siemiatycze. In it, the Germans, not Poles, are the killers of the local Jews, although the Germans sometimes force local Poles to kill Jews. (pp. 97-99).

Ironically, killings between Poles and Jews went the other way. Zebrowski discusses bands of fugitive Jews, in this area, that robbed and murdered local Poles. These bands were led by Hersz Szebes (Shabbes), the Grudow brothers, etc. (pp. 101-105).


Eyewitness Waclaw Nowicki, who was eighteen at the time [p. 34; certainly old enough to know what he was talking about] identifies the Bielski (and Pobiedy) units as participants in the Naliboki massacre. (pp. 31-32). Other eyewitnesses do the same. (p. 31). Of course, no one suggests that complicity of the Bielski units in the massacre of Poles necessarily mean that the Bielski brothers personally took part. (p. 31). [However, could it have been done without their orders?]

The author examines the leftist GAZETA WYBORCZA and its attempts to exonerate the Bielski units of complicity in this brutal crime against Polish civilians (including children). One of the surviving Bielskis, Jacob Abramowicz in the USA, insisted that the Bielski base was located too far from Naliboki, and anyone suggesting Bielski complicity must (what else?) be an anti-Semite. (p. 33). Jack-Idel Kagan made the same geographic argument.

Pointedly, Kagan did not arrive in the Bielski base until several months AFTER the massacre. (p. 33). It also turns out that the base of the Bielski band, in May 1943, was located 40-50 km, not 80-100 km, away from Naliboki. (p. 36). Moreover, the „range” of the Bielski units was considerable. Sulia Rubin testified, during a movie-style presentation, that Bielski partisans commonly roved 80-90 km away from base in order to secure feedstuffs and to rob villages. (p. 36). Clearly, the „Bielskis could not possibly have been at Naliboki at the time” exculpation is invalid.

However, questions about the complicity or otherwise of Bielski units in the Naliboki massacre should not become a distraction from the broader fact of massive Jewish-Soviet collaboration against Poles, including at Naliboki. Tamara Wiarszycka, the director of the Nowogrodek Museum of History, confirmed that there were „many Jews” among the attackers of Naliboki. (pp. 34-35).

Both Polish-Underground and Jewish sources verify the considerable numbers of Jews serving in the Soviet units. (pp. 37-39). The Jewish and Jewish-Soviet guerrilla units were actively fulfilling an order from Moscow to begin the process of subjugating Poland through the destruction of all non-Communist guerrilla units, and the terrorization of the rural Polish population into submission. (p. 43). Jews who collaborated with the Soviets had chosen to make themselves enemies of the Polish nation.


There has been a description of a 150-man Jewish GL-AL unit that purportedly fought in the Warsaw Uprising. A check of archival GL-AL sources finds no mention of this unit, and it would have been quite an oversight if such a large unit had gone unmentioned. (pp. 59-62).


Zebrowski details NSZ defensive operations against the Communist GL-AL bands. Izrael Ajzenman, a member of the GL-AL, and later a contributor to the Jewish Historical Institute in Poland, accused the NSZ of killing Jews. He changed his story a number of times, and stated various inaccuracies that deprive his accusations of credibility. (pp. 85-86).

The author especially focuses on combat operations conducted by the BRYGADA SWIETOKRZYSKA, in the Kielce area, in mid-1944. Communist propaganda has accused the NSZ of fighting alongside the Germans against the GL-AL. Zebrowski has studied the archival information, and concluded that no documents support this accusation. (p. 176). NSZ accounts and GL-AL accounts each accuse the other side of being the aggressor, and of torturing and killing innocent people, as at Rzabiec. Again, the archival information clearly proves the validity of the NSZ version of events. (p. 174).


Some commentators have tried to soften Communism by grossly undercounting the victims of the early years of Stalinism. Actually, the Communists, after 1944, murdered 10,000 people in fulfillment of judicial sentences. An additional few tens of thousands of people perished because of repressive police actions, round-ups, pacification of villages, etc. On top of all this, hundreds of thousands of Poles were imprisoned for long terms under inhumane conditions. (pp. 257-258; see also p. 142).

The crimes of the Communists were egregious. Why, then, should there be a GRUBA KRESKA (thick line, broad-line policy) that disregards this criminality? Why should there be no LUSTRACJA (lustration)?


Zebrowski refers to the 1956 conflict, following the deaths of Stalin and Bierut, that occurred between the two different strains of Communism–the Zydokomuna and the Chamokomuna. (p. 140). Although Zebrowski does not mention this, the double standard is obvious. Zydokomuna (Judeo-Bolshevism) is a naughty word in some circles, while Chamokomuna (Polish Boor Communism) is not. Taking this further, Zebrowski considers the events of 1968 as ones in which the Chamokomuna won out over the Zydokomuna. (pp. 341-342).


The author’s wit is expressed at times as humor. He notes that many commentators, including Polish Ambassador to Israel Szewach Weiss, insist that Jewish Communists were not Jews. However, when the Polish Underground killed such Communists, these Communists miraculously become Jews again, in order that the killers now be accused of anti-Semitism! (p. 143).


There were three phases to the removal of Germans from the lands east of the Oder-Neisse (Odra-Nysa) Rivers. The first was the German-ordered evacuation in anticipation of the arrival of the Red Army, the second was the spontaneous flight of Germans ahead of the advancing Red Army, and the third was the actual expulsion of the remaining Germans by the postwar Polish authorities. However, in Germany, the three groups are conflated together invalidly, and Zebrowski objects to this. (p. 185). In addition, one must not forget the „other expulsions”–the Kresy Poles expelled as part of the OUN-UPA genocide, and later by the Soviet authorities. (p. 186).


Consider KL WARSCHAU. The author presents evidence in support of the existence of gas chambers at KL WARSCHAU, as well as the fact of hundreds of thousands of Poles murdered there by the Germans. (pp. 157-168).


Zebrowski points out that Alina Cala is a LEWAK (leftist), and that she has inordinate admiration for people who live alternative lifestyles. He then takes her to task for sympathy towards „those poor UBEKS (Bezpieka murderers)” (pp. 268-269), for her repetition of stale allegations that the NSZ killed Jews for anti-Semitic reasons (p. 328), and for her bizarre position that the Poles are collectively, in some way, to blame for the Holocaust. (p. 268).

In another context, Zebrowski notes that PRL historian Jerzy Tomaszewski has not shed Communist-style thinking even with the fall of Communism in Poland. (pp. 317-on).

Jan Peczkis


Published with the author’s permission.


More books reviewed by Jan Peczkis at the Polish Club Online …. here


  • Title image: Part of cover „Mity przeciwko Polsce. Żydzi. Polacy. Komunizm 1939 – 2012″ by Leszek Żebrowski / selected by wg.pco


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