German Guilt Diffusion. Seldom-Appreciated Facts on March 1968, Including Jewish “Cosmopolitanism” and “Zionism”.


  • Jews in Poland (Yesterday and Today) by Polish Association in Great BritainPublished 1970

 

German Guilt Diffusion. Seldom-Appreciated Facts on March 1968, Including Jewish “Cosmopolitanism” and “Zionism”. Jewish Disloyalty Even to Communist Poland

Nowadays, on the 50th anniversary, the events of 1968 are usually presented in a simplistic, accusatory, context-free narrative, and blamed on Poland and (what else?) Polish anti-Semitism. The reality is quite different, as this book, written soon after the events of March 1968, is described.

THE LUXEMBOURG AGREEMENT (1952). WEST GERMANY BUYS THE FAVOR OF THE JEWS, AND JEWS DISPLACE THEIR HOLOCAUST-RELATED ANGER ONTO POLAND

A quoted article in the 1964 Israeli daily, HERUT, states:

“‘Relieving the Germans of guilt towards the Jews constituted an element in the West German policy to obtain an “entry permit” to the circle of world nations…We have supplied the Germans with the alibi that was the aim of their policy.’” (p. 61).

Another Israeli daily, HAOLAM HAZEH, had this to say in a 1963 article:

‘The attitude of our Government to Adenauer’s Government is based on a cynical transaction; perhaps the most cynical since Adolf Eichmann proposed a business deal to Brendt [Brand]: goods for blood…We received money. We received help. We sold the GFR a certificate of morality when runs as follows, “We, the State of Israel, victims of Nazism, saved from Auschwitz, a recognized symbol of progress and socialism in the world, certify to all concerned that the holder of this certificate is no longer a fascist, but a completely new German who has a right to be accepted in any circle.”’” (p. 61).

The Jewish anti-Polish policy followed on the heels of the Luxembourg agreement. (p. 62). Some of it is elaborated in another section.

JEWISH COSMOPOLITANISM: LACK OF SOLIDARITY EVEN WITH COMMUNIST POLAND

In the past (as in the present), Jewish aloofness and disloyalty to Poland, and the Zydokomuna, had been excused by the canned “Jews had it bad in Poland” meme. But now the Jews had gotten their wishes: Poland was firmly Communist, and the Jews not only had full civil rights, but numerous privileges and perks. In Communist Poland, nearly 100% of Jews attended universities, and Jews could hold every post, even the highest ones, which quite a few Jews did. The Polish State helped fund the Jewish press, Jewish theatre, Jewish scientific institutes, etc. (p. 68).

Yet none of this mattered. Jewish cosmopolitanism continued. With reference to the Jews in high positions, Wladyslaw Gomulka, in a speech on March 19, 1968, said:

“‘There is no doubt that there are also in our country a certain number of people, citizens of our state, who do not feel themselves to be either Jews or Poles. We cannot blame them for that. Nobody can make them feel that they belong to a nation if they do not feel this themselves. But because of their lack of national feeling such people should avoid fields of work in which national affirmation is essential.” (p. 64).

ZIONISM AND THE LACK OF JEWISH SOLIDARITY EVEN WITH COMMUNIST POLAND

The authors comment, “A number of Polish Jews who were not attached to Polish soil by history, tradition, etc. have emigrated to Israel. And now, any Jew who recognizes Israel as his homeland may go there without hindrance from the Polish administration.” (p. 88).

All this had practical consequences. With reference to the 1950’s and the 1960’s, the authors write, “Another point is that the majority of the trained craftsmen and many other Jews in Poland emigrated to Israel over the next few years; the Polish State did not interfere with this in any way.” (p. 57).

Now, with reference to the publicly-displayed Polonophobia of many of Poland’s Jews that had emigrated to Israel, the authors sagely comment, “None of them thanked us for eating Polish bread. All of them repaid us by baseness.” (p. 69).

The authors drift in the direction wherein the same selfish opportunism that had attracted Jews to Communism (the Zydokomuna) now drove them away from it, “After 1956, a whole wave of people who were compromised went to Israel; and those eager Communists of yesterday suddenly appeared as political renegades. Hence the joke popular in Israel: ‘What is your eldest son doing? He is creating Communism in Poland; And what is your middle son doing? He is trying to create Communism in Belgium; And what is your youngest son doing? He is in Israel. Is he creating Communism too? What do you think, how could I allow it?’” (p. 74).

Of course, the Soviet backing of the Arab nations in the June 1967 war had raised the question of dual loyalties to a new level. For example, Polish Jew Stanislaw Wygodzki, now in Israel, said that he would remain in Israel until Communist Poland drops it pro-Arab policy. (p. 76).

SHIFTING THE BLAME FOR THE HOLOCAUST FROM GERMANS AND ONTO POLES [THEN AND NOW]

Menachem Begin, the eventual Prime Minister of Israel, slandered Poland as a nation of collaborators with the Nazis and (using modern Holocaustspeak) as one that was complicit in the Holocaust. (p. 47). [Now, here we are 50 years later, and we keep hearing exactly the same thing!]

An article in SLOWO LUDO (April 10, 1968) describes how Poland was vilified as a nation of (surprise) horrible anti-Semites, and states that:

“‘After the July [1967] phase, the chorus of Dayans, Eshkols, Ben Gurions, was joined by some Polish citizens of Jewish origin giving vent to their stubborn nationalism.’” (p. 66).

Oscar Pinkus, the author of THE HOUSE OF ASHES, wrote many calumnies about Poland. This included the fable of Poles betraying 25 local fugitive Jews to the Germans. (pp. 70-71).

The authors conclude that, “As so, we Poles are murderers, the organizers of mass extermination of Polish and other European Jews. This is the opinion the international Zionist movement wants to foster.” (p. 67).

WLADYSLAW GOMULKA’S PAYBACK TO, AND PUSHBACK AGAINST, THE ZYDOKOMUNA

Communism is all about power. The Zydokomuna had gotten power at the expense of the ethnic Polish Communists, and now, in 1968, the latter were turning the tables. The authors describe the events that had begun with Stalin’s arrest of Gomulka for “nationalist deviation”:

“After 1948, when a group of Party activists headed by Wladyslaw Gomulka was deprived of power and influence after accusations of nationalism and right-wing leanings, there was further consolidation of these processes by which a small group of a few thousand Poles of Jewish origin enlarged their privileged positions until they formed a majority among other places in whole Ministries: the Ministry of Foreign Trade, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs [and parts of other Ministries].” (p. 73).

 

Jan Peczkis


Published with the author’s permission.

 

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  • Title image: An image posted online by the Polish broadcaster eMisjaTv showed a protester in Warsaw in February 2018 with a sign that demanded an end to “Jewish Aggression Against Poland.” Source: theintercept.com, March 3, 2018. / selected by wg.pco

Polish-Club-Online-PCO-logo-2, 2018.10.28.